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Challenges for American Capitalism in the 1980s (Written in 1976) The changing shape of America threatens to be the next test for American style capitalism. Not the fact that California may break off at the San Andrés mountains and thus significantly change the physical shape of the nation. That is not the threat. The threat is the demographic change that is going to hit the United States of North America in the next decade. The Bureau of the Census, taking note of the phenomenal growth of the Mexican American population between 1976 and 1979 (45.4% increase) predicts that by the mid-1980s it will be the largest minority in the country. Mr. Jim Cannon of the Washington Post in an analysis entitled “Mex America, A Nation Within A Nation” questions whether the country will be able to assimilate this minority like it did the Irish, the Italians, the Czechs and the Poles in other periods of its history. That is a good question and so is the corollary question, “what will happen to America in the process?” Perhaps a more profound question is “will American capitalism survive in any recognizable form?” This is an attempt to analyze these interrelated questions and to look at some possible consequences. Whether Americans want to or not, they are going to have to get better acquainted with their fellow Hispanic Americans. HISPANIC NOTABLES IN THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA is designed to help America in this process. First, the assimilation question. The Hispanic American population is spread out throughout the 50 states. It is made up of four heterogeneous groups, the largest of which is the Mexican American or Chicano group. Although there are Americans of Mexican descent in all sections of the country, the majority reside in the five Southwestern states of Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas. Those five states account for 5,490,000 of the total 6,590,000 in the country as of 1970. The balance is spread out among the other 45 states with heavy concentration in the mid-west states of Illinois, Michigan, and Ohio. Similarly Puerto Ricans, numbering 1,753,000 are mostly found in the states of New Jersey and New York. Cubans numbering 687,000 are found concentrated in Florida, although a significant number reside in Las Vegas, Nevada. Those Hispanics of Central and South American origin are concentrated in San Francisco and comprise the fourth heterogeneous group. These four groups make up what are known today as the Hispanic Americans in this country. They have other things in common beyond a basic language, Castilian Spanish. Although the language is common, the urban Puerto Rican has more difficulty conversing in Spanish with a rural Spanish American (as Mexican Americans are known here) from Northern New Mexico than would an Anglo resident of Boston speaking in English with an Anglo resident of Plains, Georgia. This is not to say that there are different dialects of Spanish in use among the various groups. The “commercial” Spanish, being more formal than “social” Spanish, has less variation among the groups, but conversational Spanish, not unlike conversational English, is rife with slang expressions and mannerisms that vary from region to region and among age groups across time. Political leaders from the various factions recognize the language problem as only a minor barrier to the to the formation of effective political coalitions within the Spanish origin population. The Spanish culture common among all these groups is so strong that the language barrier is soon overcome. This is not to say that there is no cultural shock experienced by one group or the other as interaction among the groups increases. A major step in arriving at coalition formation is being achieved with the growing acceptance of the term “Hispanic American” among all groups. In contrast to the period of the late Sixties, while blacks were making progress in unifying their forces, the Hispanics were being battered apart by the insistence of each group to have its distinct label. Generally, those from Texas preferred Latino or Mexican American, those from California seemed to prefer Chicano, and some New Mexicans insist to this day on calling themselves Spanish Americans. All of this struggle and anguish, of course, detracted them from the important task of coalition formation – to the delight of the predominant community. The majority is not about to make it easy for a minority to gain its rightfully deserved place in the power structure. Just agreeing on the term Hispanic has meant the arrival of this group at another plateau in its march towards full recognition and the exercise of the rights and privileges that it is entitled to. Citizenship or national origin is another factor that Americans should understand. The Hispanic Americans are not necessarily foreign born. The majority of Cubans are, however, because of the exodus on the emergence of Fidel Castro to power on the island. Contrary to popular belief Puerto Ricans are not foreign born. All are U. S. citizens as Puerto Rico is, and has been, since 1898 a territory of the U.S., a fact that is well known everywhere except in the U. S. With the Mexican American, Chicano, or Spanish American the citizenship situation varies although over 60% are not foreign born. The Spanish Americans of New Mexico and Colorado can trace their ancestry to the Spanish conquistadores and settlers who arrived in the Southwest long before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock. These people are rugged individualists with a close affinity to the land. They definitely are not foreign born and resent implications that they are. They are the beautiful people of these areas whose language and culture, even today can be traced to Andalusian Spanish. They are U. S. patriots who flow to the Armed Forces recruiting offices at the earliest sign of impending armed conflict. Los Angeles and San Antonio present a different picture. The Hispanics in these two cities represent large numbers with Los Angeles being the second largest Spanish-speaking city in the world based on population. Mexico City is the largest. San Antonio may be fourth after Madrid. A large number of the Hispanics in these two cities were born in Mexico. The “Up from Mexico” phenomenon documented by Cary McWilliams has been quietly at work since around 1940. Some political traditions among these groups are worth noting. The Spanish Americans of New Mexico have traditionally dominated politics in their State – although very seldom has one of their number been elected Governor. The patron system, long a main feature in New Mexico politics, is just now beginning to be challenged. Tingley, Mabry, Simms, Mechem, Campbell, Cargo, and King are the names of Anglo former Governors of New Mexico who well understood the patron system. People with surnames as Sedillo, Martinez, Duran, Vigil, Chavez, Gallegos, and Naranjo are the political leaders who deliver the votes on election day – sometimes too efficiently, like 105%. The patron system, with all its faults, is not without its “conveniences.” When one has a problem with the Government, a tax matter, a brush with the law, or whatever, the solution was always through the political leader. He dispensed favors and state jobs according to the number, and sometimes the timing, with which he delivered the votes at the last election. Sadly, for some, this system may be passing. It is ironic that the most articulate challengers of the patron system are young Hispanics such as the current Attorney General Toney Anaya and in a less active but perhaps more effective manner, the current Governor Jerry Apodaca. King will be returning to the Governor’s mansion in Santa Fe via the old familiar route, which he knows so well, the patron system. Mexican Americans in Los Angeles do not, unfortunately, have a record of political activism or leadership. Lamentably, the city of the Angels with a majority of its citizens of Hispanic origin does not have one of its own on the City Council. Working coalitions have been mere accommodations with the much more astute blacks – or so it seems. The quid-pro-quos do not seem equally balanced. The lone congressman of Hispanic origin, Ed Roybal, does not represent a predominantly Mexican American district. He gets most of his financial and other support from Jewish interests. The predominantly Mexican American districts are represented in Congress by blacks or Anglos who have learned to exploit the apathetic Mexican American vote extant in their districts. The problem in Los Angeles is lack of registration. This lack results in part because of the large number of illegal alien residents for years in the area. One does not call attention to one’s presence by registering to vote – even if proof of citizenship is not necessary in order to register. Part of the problem arises also from the California life style in urban Los Angeles. It is not conducive to active participation in civic affairs. Politics does not have much appeal to the otherwise trend setting Angelenos. However, the situation in California may be in for change with the emergence of Ralph Ochoa in Los Angeles and Peter Chacón in San Diego. Society’s observers throughout the Southwest, taking note of the life style of young Mexican Americans, have a tendency to be misled. Cognizant that 44% of Mexican American population is under age 25; they conclude that assimilation will occur with the arrival at adulthood of the next wave of young Mexican Americans. They see the youngsters in integrated schools speaking English, not Spanish, and ostensibly being socially accepted. The high rate of mixed marriages is another fact that tends to mislead the Sociologists. Things change rapidly for the young Mexican American adult when he arrives on the job market. He finds that his Anglo buddy has little difficulty being hired particularly in upwardly mobile jobs. Not so the Mexican American, who finds himself rapidly out-promoted by his former Anglo chums. The friendship soon ends. The Chicano now feels cheated; his “assimilation” has lasted only a short while beyond high school. He reverts to “Chicanismo,” more than ever, in an effort to compensate for having been hoodwinked by the system. The Chicano girls who marry Anglos fare out only slightly better. They live a few good years. Some even “pass” for Anglos, what with an Anglo surname. Few survive the seven-year itch, and by that time they are encumbered with several children and no place to go but welfare. Chicano activists are beginning to make note of these phenomena of Mexican American relations with he Anglo. These two factors help explain the resurgence of ethnic pride often times ridiculously displayed by some Chicanos. For these reasons assimilation of the Mexican American will probably meet with little success. Equality to a greater extent must be achieved first. The Irish, the Italians, the Czechs, and the Poles did not have a color problem which no doubt eased the assimilation of these groups. Assimilation does not, of course, mean 100% acceptance, witness the activities of the KKK in San Diego who lump “blacks, browns, and Italians together" as worse than undesirable. Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Central and South Americans are to a lesser degree affected by similar factors as are Mexican Americans. Among all groups there is also a strong desire not to assimilate. The resurgence of ethnic pride has brought about a realization that all is not a bed of roses with the majority society. What will happen to America during the next decade is obvious. It will change! How painful the change will be depends on how the majority population reacts to the Hispanic demands for equality. If the activities of the KKK in San Diego are in any way a precursor to the majority reaction, then there will be troubled times ahead. It seems inconceivable that this will be the case, although we will no doubt continue to experience isolated minor eruptions such as occurred in Houston, Albuquerque, and Phoenix this year. The more probable course is that reason will prevail on both sides. The Hispanics have generally not resorted to violence in pressing their case. Their demonstrations have most often been quasi-religious – witness the Selma, Texas march in the early 1960’s, the Los Angeles demonstration in the early 1970’s, and the Cesar Chavez farm worker’s crusade. Despite the stereotype imposed on Hispanics by the majority population, cooler heads have always prevailed in time of crisis. The “hot heads” have most often been Anglos whose responsibility it is to maintain the law. Examples are; the death of journalist Ruben Salazar in Los Angeles which bears the most credence to that point of view. There are also cases in Albuquerque, in Houston, in Phoenix, and many other places, as far flung as Philadelphia, were the jury is still out. One might add it is most often an “Anglo” jury. But Civil Rights cases are only one part of the new dimensions of the Hispanic American influence on American life or in the defense of the American way of life. No one, anymore, disputes the contributions of Hispanics in sports, in fashion, and the arts. Such names as Nancy Lopez, Vicki Carr, Anthony Quinn, Rita Moreno, Oscar de la Renta, Jose Ferrer, and Mel Ferrer are household items. However, the Hispanic contributions in Science, Engineering and in National Defense have generally gone unrecognized. Leo Gutierrez and Jess Aragon rank at the same level with Luis Alvarez in providing this country with nuclear weapons systems. The former two have contributed as much to the “weaponization” of the fission and fusion reactions as any two other engineers in the country. Aragon has headed the largest design group at Los Alamos for over twenty years and Gutierrez has headed preliminary design at Sandia Laboratories for a comparable period of time. At the delivery end of the nuclear weapons systems, General Roberto Cardenas served for years in charge of target selection at Offutt Air Force Base. On the ground with the fighting forces, Hispanics have earned a proportionately higher number of Congressional Medals of Honor in times of combat than any other ethnic group. Let us take stock of the points made in the preceding paragraphs. Hispanics are the fastest growing identifiable group in the U.S. of North America today; they are predominantly native born – they do not have an unabashed desire to assimilate into the majority culture, nor will they quietly disappear from the face of the earth – change is bound to come to the social economic-political fabric of the country, but at least for the next several decades, that change is going to march to a Latin beat. Finally, Hispanics have paid their dues; they preceded the Anglo to this country by over 50 years, and will not stand to be treated as “Strangers in Our Own Land” any longer. Education is the obvious solution to the impending crisis. The most important educational problem in America today is the education of the majority population about the minority population. This country is not equipped to do this. The most important educational vehicle is the print media. But Hispanics do not have access to the print media. There is not a single Hispanic Columnist in the entire country, least of all one who addresses American social, political, or economic issues from the Hispanic point of view. Of 51 newspapers in New Mexico, which has a higher Hispanic population percentage of any state, only one has an Hispanic Editor, and that newspaper has a negligible circulation – it exists on revenues derived from printing legal notices, as required by law. The curriculum of the early schools has until recently, been based on an Anglo Jack and Jill setting. Titles published since the 1960’s include a black face occasionally, and only rarely an Hispanic. The secondary curriculum and textbooks have only very recently acknowledged the reality that this is a plural society, not an all Anglo one. It behooves the predominant society to learn about the Hispanic American; the key to the survival of America’s capitalism may well pass to our hands. From 1970 to 1976, the Bureau of the Census estimates that the Mexican American population in the U.S. increased by 45.5%. At this growth rate, we will not only soon be the largest minority in the country, like any change occurring at a geometric progression rate, the increase of the Hispanic population is going to catch our institutions ill prepared to cope with the change. Capitalism may well be one of them – unless, of course, America makes the necessary adjustments. The second aspect of the education solution is tat very few Hispanics have had any real experience with Capitalism. Again, there is not a single Hispanic on the board of a Fortune 500 Company. There are blessed few in the Corporate Board rooms of lesser corporations. The Corporate executive corps is equally as sparsely populated by Hispanics. Professor Ron Maestas of New Mexico Highlands University, in a recent study, concluded that the shutout of Hispanics from the corporate executive suite has been total. Adjustments in the corporate personnel structure will have to be made throughout the industrial complex but the energy industry will be faced with the most immediate benefit and need to do so. The huge oil discoveries in Mexico will heavily influence that industry to abandon its discriminatory practices. The industry instead will find that it is to its advantage to have Americans named Sanchez, Garcia, Chavez, or Chacon on their corporate staffs as they maneuver to get in on the Mexican nationalized oil. Once a major industry has been penetrated others will follow, particularly ancillary industries. The changes discussed will no doubt arrive on the scene rather rapidly because of the Hispanic population explosion over the next decades. American industry must move rapidly to make some basic adjustments. These adjustments are political. Capitalism must become more democratic. The closed club will not do as we approach the 1980’s and 1900’s. To the degree that American industry makes these adjustments, American capitalism, what little there is left of it, may survive. If the probable demise of American capitalism, as the shape of America changes, does not impel the leaders of American Industry into action – then it is because American Capitalism is already dead! Is anyone listening?
PUBLISHED IN 1978
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